Dark Idealism

David Pinsof writes:

RightTalkism. The idea that making the world a better place means changing how people talk. Just make people say the right things and all our problems will be solved. (HT Robin Hanson).

Dark morality. When morality—the heartfelt conviction that we are doing the right thing—fuels tribalism, dishonesty, bullying, censorship, hatred, terrorism, and genocide.

Dark idealism. When idealism—the heartfelt conviction that we are pure and noble and benevolent—fuels dark morality, by blinding us to our biases and making those who don’t share our ideals seem evil or subhuman.

A community tells a particular story about its own worst episodes. The man who molested children in the cheder and was moved quietly to another town was a single sick soul, an aberration the system failed to catch. The rabbis who signed the ban against a good man, the neighbors who crossed the street, the family that sat shiva for the daughter who married out, all of these were good people whose judgment lapsed, or whose fear got the better of their values, or who were misled by a few bad actors near the top. The account treats the cruelty as a failure of the ideal, a place where holiness was betrayed by the weakness of the men who carried it. Pinsof’s analysis of sacred ideology proposes something harder to absorb, which is that the cruelty is the conviction at work.

Pinsof gives two names to the engine. Dark morality is the heartfelt sense of doing right that drives bullying, censorship, shunning, and concealment. Dark idealism is the companion sense of one’s own purity and benevolence that blinds a man to his bias and recodes the men outside his ideal as corrupt or dangerous. The two run together. In his account of sacred ideology, a group cannot pursue dominance over rivals or guard its own standing in the plain language of interest, because a naked grab draws the negative inferences any onlooker, and any member, are built to draw. The group needs a moral pretext, and the pretext works only while the men inside believe it. The sincerity is not decoration on the dominance. The sincerity is the load-bearing wall. Propaganda that its own maker sees through fails. A cover-up that the protector experiences as a cover-up cannot hold. The conviction has to be real, and because it is real, it does the harshest work with a clean conscience.

The clearest institutional shape this takes in Jewish life is the cherem, the ban. When the Amsterdam community cast out Baruch Spinoza (1632-1677) in 1656, and when the Vilna Gaon (Elijah ben Solomon Zalman, 1720-1797) and the mitnagdim placed the early Hasidim under ban a century later, the signatories did not understand themselves to be crushing dissent for the sake of their own authority. They understood themselves to be guarding the truth against a contamination that threatened every soul exposed to it. The same shape recurs in the present. When a circle of charedi authorities banned the books of a writer who had argued that the universe might be billions of years old and that the sages of the Talmud had erred in matters of natural science, the signatories framed the act as a defense of emunah against heresy, and many of them, by the common report, had not read the pages they condemned. Pinsof cites the finding that censorship feels acceptable to people in proportion as the censored ideas seem harmful. The ban is not experienced from inside as suppression. It is experienced as protection, and the man who lowers the gate feels the gratitude of a guardian.

What gives the conviction its reach is a vocabulary that converts the critic into a criminal before any argument begins. The apikoros has placed himself outside the circle of those whose objections deserve a hearing. The moser, the informer who carries a Jew’s wrongdoing to gentile authority, has committed a sin the tradition ranks among the gravest. The rodef, the pursuer, may be stopped by any means, including his death. Each of these categories had a defensible origin in a world where Jewish communities lived at the mercy of hostile powers and where an informer might bring collective punishment down on everyone. The categories survive into a world where the threat has changed, and in the survival they become the instruments by which a community recodes the man who exposes its sins as the man committing the sin. Pinsof’s account of the self-reinforcing sacred value predicts the move. Any attempt to name the protective logic as self-interest reads, to the people inside, as a cue of the namer’s own corruption, his disloyalty, his hatred of his own people, so that the act of exposure becomes the strongest evidence against the one who exposes.

The starkest case in living memory is the killing of Yitzhak Rabin (1922-1995). Through 1995 the words rodef and moser moved out of the study hall and into the pamphlets handed out at synagogues, as religious opponents of the Oslo accords debated whether a prime minister who ceded land and endangered Jewish lives fell under the law of the pursuer. The debate was not confined to obscure militants. By documented accounts, rabbis of standing took part, and a body of Orthodox rabbis in the United States is reported to have signed a declaration applying the category to Rabin. Yigal Amir (b. 1970), the law student who shot him, did not present himself as a murderer overcome by hatred. He presented himself as a man discharging an obligation, and he told his interrogators and the court that once a matter carries the status of a halachic ruling the moral question has been settled. The Israeli court called this a cynical misuse of the law, which is the comfortable reading, the reading that locates the evil in a bad actor twisting a good tradition. The harder reading, the one the frame presses, takes Amir at his word about his own sincerity, and finds in that sincerity the very thing that made the act possible. A man who knew he was committing murder might have flinched. A man who knew he was performing a mitzvah did not.

The same engine drives the protection of the institution over the person it harms. When a yeshiva learns that one of its rebbeim has abused a child, the logic that counsels silence does not present as a calculation of reputational risk, though that is what it is. It presents as the avoidance of chillul Hashem, the desecration of the divine name that follows when the failings of the observant are aired before a watching world, and as the defense of a place that does holy work, the transmission of Torah to the next generation, against an exposure that might cripple it and hand a weapon to its enemies. The institution carries the sacred work, so a threat to the institution reads as a threat to the sacred work, so the child’s claim is weighed against the survival of something the community holds holy and found lighter. This is dark idealism in its purest operation. The conviction of the institution’s purity does not merely permit the subordination of the victim. It requires it, and it lets the men who arrange the transfer and the silence feel themselves the protectors of something precious rather than the accomplices of a predator.

The reporting of abuse has been the subject of sustained halachic argument, and the argument has moved. The mainstream charedi position, associated with the ruling of Rav Yosef Shalom Elyashiv (1910-2012) and adopted by Agudath Israel of America, holds that where there is raglayim ladavar, reasonable ground to believe a child has been harmed, reporting to the civil authorities is not only permitted but required, and that the concern of mesirah does not bar it. The same position adds that the individual should bring the facts to a rabbi competent in both the law and the realities of abuse before he reports, and it is here that the argument turns sharp. Critics within Orthodoxy, among them Rabbi Yosef Blau of Yeshiva University and the advocates who emerged from the abuse cases themselves, contend that the requirement to consult first delays the report, deters the frightened, and in practice shields the accused, and that a rabbi without training has no standing to weigh the question at all. The Modern Orthodox and Religious Zionist worlds have moved further toward direct reporting. The disagreement is real, it is internal, and it is the place where the community argues with its own protective reflex.

The structure described here is human and universal. Pinsof draws his examples from the rhetoric of conquest dressed as denazification, from the doctrine of manifest destiny, from the ritual sacrifice that stratified ancient societies, and he locates the engine in the cognitive equipment shared by the species. Every group that carries a sacred ideology, every church and party and movement and nation that does holy work in its own telling, runs the same operation when a threat appears, cloaks its dominance and its self-protection in the language of virtue, and recodes its internal critics as enemies of the good. The Catholic dioceses that moved abusive priests from parish to parish reasoned about scandal to the faith in language a charedi askan knows well. The danger does not live in any group.

The shunning, the ban, the rodef ruling, and the quiet transfer of the predator are not the places where the sacred conviction failed. They are the places where it operated without obstruction. The comfortable account, the one that assigns the harm to a few corrupt men and leaves the ideal unstained, is the account under which the harm recurs, because it sends the community looking for bad apples and forbids it to look at the barrel. The uncomfortable account is the one that lets a community guard against its own certainty, a rule that the report goes to the police and not first to the rav, a refusal to let the holiness of the work decide the fate of the child, a suspicion trained on the moment when righteousness feels most certain. Truth over comfort is not a slogan here. It is the difference between a community that can protect a child from its own conviction and one that cannot.

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Refusal of Status is Status

They offer the old man the amud. It is the yahrzeit of his rebbe and the honor is his by right, and the gabbai gestures toward the front. He shakes his head. No, no, give it to someone else. The gabbai presses. The men near him murmur that he should go up. He waves it off again, a hand raised, his eyes down. A third time they press, and now he rises, slow, as though the weight of it has been set on his shoulders against his will, and he walks to the front and leads the davening he wanted to lead from the moment he woke. Everyone saw the refusal. The refusal was the price of the seat.

David Pinsof calls this anti-status. It is the standing you draw from looking as though you want none. The trick sits one level above ordinary signaling and runs on the same logic. To want honor is low. To be seen wanting it is lower. So the surest way up is to perform the not-wanting, and the community reads the performance and pays out the honor the man pretended to decline.

The move sorts men into three tiers. The poor man cannot signal at all. The striver signals hard, buys the new Borsalino, piles the chumras, drops the sharp Tosafos to be heard dropping it. The man at the top does the opposite. He countersignals. His hat has gone soft and green at the fold, the black faded to the color of an old chalkboard, and he has worn it twenty years because he stopped thinking about hats long ago. The worn hat says he sits above the whole question, has bigger concerns, looks at no mirror. That is the highest thing a hat can say, and only the man who has already won can afford to say it. The striver’s new brim and the gadol’s rotten one carry opposite messages, and the rotten one ranks higher.

Out of this single move the frum world has built a whole prestige economy. Anava, humility, is the crown of the middos, and the stories that make a man great are always stories of his smallness. He refused the position. He gave the money away the day it came in. He would not let them put his name on the building. He fled the city when they came to make him rav. Open any gadol biography and count the refusals, because the refusals are the engine. The proof of his greatness is the list of honors he turned down, and the longer the list the larger the man. The rebbe must be begged three times before he takes the chair. Grab the honor and you forfeit it. Flee it well and it chases you down.

Here the ground turns soft, because anti-status is the easiest currency to counterfeit and the hardest to check. Anyone can lower his eyes. Anyone can let a hat rot or wave off a compliment. The pose is free, so the pose floods the market, and the market learns to read it. The lowered eyes start to look studied. The waved-off honor starts to look fished for. The mussar masters named the man caught at it, gaavah she’b’anavah, the pride inside the humility, the one who is proud of how humble he is, and the phrase is a knife. Once the community can name false humility, the humble pose slides from a signal of greatness into a cue of vanity, and the man who worked so hard to look like he wanted nothing looks like he wanted it most.

So the move goes a level deeper, the way Pinsof says these games always go. If visible humility reads as performed, then real greatness must not even look humble. It must look like nothing. It must look like a man who is not running the calculation at all. The tradition, having built the trap, builds the exit. It redefines humility so that the performance disqualifies. Moshe is called the most humble man who ever lived and is at the same moment the greatest, and the puzzle of how the highest can be the lowliest dissolves only when humility stops meaning a low opinion of yourself and starts meaning the absence of the self that holds the opinion. Not thinking less of yourself. Thinking of yourself less, until no self stands there to seek the honor. Bittul. Self-forgetting. The man who has stopped watching himself.

Pinsof’s account catches what the tradition has done. It has named the one signal no man can fake. Unselfconsciousness is the only humility the arms race cannot reach, because the instant you perform it you are watching yourself perform it and you have already lost it. The signal works only while it is not a signal, which is the whole shape of the thing. And the tradition sets this unreachable state at the summit and calls it its holiest figure. The tzaddik nistar, the hidden righteous man, the lamed-vavnik, holds up the world and does not know he does it. He looks like a water carrier, a cobbler, a plain Jew who comes late and leaves early. He could not seek honor if he wanted to, because the seeking would wake the self the role forbids. The legend counts him at thirty-six, which is the tradition confessing how few men ever stop watching themselves.

The legend pays a dividend to everyone below it. Once the highest holiness might look like a water carrier, every water carrier carries a premium. The plain man at the back of the shul might be the great one. So plainness draws a speculative bid, the man who looks like nothing gets read as possibly everything, and the safest path to being suspected of greatness is to show none. Looking like a nobody becomes the deepest move available.

The chassidish world runs the same engine from the other side and lands in the same place. The rebbe can sit in splendor, the tish laid out, the court around him, the silver and the crowd, and the teaching he gives from the splendor is bittul, the self as nothing, the rebbe a channel with nothing of his own. The grandeur and the self-erasure ride together and neither cancels the other. At the far edge stands the Kotzker, Menachem Mendel of Kotzk (1787-1859), who took the refusal as far as a man can take it and locked himself behind a door for the last twenty years of his life, seeing almost no one, wanting nothing the world could hand him. The withdrawal made him the most magnetic figure of his age. The man who refused to be seen became the one everyone strained to see. The refusal, carried to its end, is still the move.

None of this costs me anything to say, which is the strange mercy of the subject. I am describing an ideal the community holds up and praises, the flight from honor, the smallness of the great, the hidden tzaddik who wants nothing. The tradition built a prestige economy out of the refusal of prestige, named the counterfeits, drove the game down to unselfconsciousness, and set its holiest man past the reach of any performance, all on purpose, all in plain sight. The only man who escapes the game is the one who does not know a game is on. Everyone else flees the honor and listens, while he flees, for the footsteps of the honor coming up behind.

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Learning for its Own Sake

A shadchan calls a rosh yeshiva about a bochur. She asks the one question the call exists to ask. What is he like in learning. The rosh yeshiva answers in the code everyone reads. He is a masmid. He has a good head. He sits and learns. He is among the better boys in the chaburah. Each phrase is a number, and the shadchan writes the number down, and the number sets the boy’s worth on the market, the size of the support his father-in-law will pledge, the apartment, the years in kollel. No one in the conversation says the word rank. The conversation is about nothing but rank.

David Pinsof has a name for the thing that lets this happen without anyone feeling soiled by it. He calls it a sacred value. A sacred value, in his account, is a cover story that keeps a status game from collapsing once the players catch themselves playing it. The story insists that the competition is about something high and selfless, honor, holiness, wisdom, the love of the thing for its own sake. The yeshiva world holds the purest example anyone has built. Torah lishmah, learning for its own sake, with no eye on the reward.

Pinsof writes:

Status game collapse. When players of a status game gain common knowledge that they’re playing a status game. They suddenly see each other as vain, insecure, or self-absorbed, which sends them scrambling to play a different status game. This is one of the engines of cultural evolution.

Sacred value. A cover story for status-seeking designed to prevent a status game from collapsing. We deny we’re seeking dominance or superiority and instead pretend that we’re seeking honor, wisdom, beauty, authenticity, self-actualization, equality, morality, or the betterment of humankind.

Darwinian cynicism. The view that everyone’s basic desires are products of natural selection. This is cynical because evolution cannot favor a basic desire to make the world a better place—only the desire to help ourselves, our families, or our tribes.

Lishmah does the work David Pinsof assigns to a sacred value. He argues that the value should sit as far from status as a thing can sit, while it tracks real status acquisition step for step underneath. Lishmah says learning has nothing to do with standing. You learn for Him. The reward of the mitzvah is the mitzvah. A man who learns for honor has missed the point so badly that the tradition warns he might have done better not to learn. And underneath that teaching the yeshiva ranks its men by the same learning, finely and without rest. The illui at the top. The masmid who sits sixteen hours. The lamdan who builds a sharp sevara. The baki who holds the most ground. The boy the rosh yeshiva calls on when the hard Tosafos comes up. The order is exact and every man knows where he stands in it, and the sacred value says the order is not there.

That gap is the cover story working. Strip lishmah away and look at the same room. Young men compete for years for prestige, for the best shidduch, for a stipend, for a chair, for the right to be called a talmid chacham. Name it that way and the room turns ugly, a tournament of vanity dressed in black. Lishmah saves the room. It tells the men, and tells the world, that the striving is devotion and the ranking a trick of the eye. The behavior that reads as careerism in a law firm reads as avodas Hashem in the beis medrash, and the thing that flips the reading is the cover story.

Sacred values borrow their plausibility from real ones. Men do love Torah. The lishmah experience is real. There are men who sit and learn with no thought of the shadchan’s call, who would learn alone on a desert island, who taste the sweetness the seforim promise. The sacred value lives off these men. Because real lishmah exists, the claim of lishmah stays believable, and the believable claim covers the thousand men whose learning follows the market close. The system needs its handful of true masmidim the way a currency needs a little gold in a vault while most of the bills are paper.

Pinsof argues that a status trait gets the heaviest cover where it is hard to verify from outside, easy to fake, and shameful to chase. Learning fits all three. You cannot see into a man’s head. The fluent fake and the deep lamdan sound alike across a crowded room. And a holy community punishes the visible striver hard. Wealth needs less cover, which is why the gvir can let his name go up on the wall while the talmid chacham must look as though the honor pains him. The currency that is easiest to counterfeit and most shameful to want is the one that needs lishmah most.

So much for the steady state. Now the exit.

Pinsof calls the other half of the pair status game collapse. A status game collapses when the players gain common knowledge that a status game is what they are in. The cover story fails. The men who looked devoted look like climbers. The hierarchy turns over. The one who stepped on others to reach the top looks worst, because the higher his rank the more he must have wanted it, and wanting it is the sin the sacred value forbids. The man who left learning to drive a truck and feed his children, who sat at the bottom, looks honest. Top sinks, bottom rises.

For most men this never comes. The cover holds for life. For some it comes all at once, and the frum name for it is going off the derech. The trigger is common knowledge breaking in. He reads the exposé. He watches a gadol shield an institution and sees what the shielding protects. He notices that the ben Torah learning all day is carried by a wife worked to the bone and in-laws past the edge of ruin, and the arithmetic he was taught not to do gets done. He marries the top bochur the system priced so high and finds a man who can hold a Tosafos and not a marriage. The spell breaks in an hour and does not return. Once a man sees the ledger he cannot unsee it, and the seforim that sang to him last year read as the prospectus of a fund he no longer trusts.

Then he does what Pinsof predicts. He leaves and scrambles into another game where defying the first one pays. The off-the-derech memoir is the clean case. A man writes the book, Shulem Deen’s All Who Go Do Not Return, Deborah Feldman’s Unorthodox, and the secular literary world the yeshiva taught him to pity hands him the standing the yeshiva pulled back. He gains status now by the same act, the leaving, that cost him status there. The collapsed game inverts for him alone. Where he stood near the bottom, unable to win at iyun, he stands now as a witness, brave, free. Acting against the dead game is the new game’s winning move.

Not everyone leaves the community. Most who feel the cover slip stay and switch games inside it, which Pinsof also predicts. The man who cannot win at sharp learning reframes. He becomes a baal chesed, a gabbai of the tzedakah, a man known for hachnasas orchim, and chesed is a currency the lamdan cannot corner. Or he goes the way of the gvir and buys the standing the learning never gave him, the dinner honoree, the wing with his name on it. Or he claims emunah peshuta, simple faith, the plain Jew who has no need of pilpul, and the claim of not playing the learning game becomes its own quiet bid for honor, the move that wins by looking like no move. Or he crosses from yeshivish to chassidish, or to Modern Orthodox, trading a game he loses for one he might win. The community keeps him. He has changed only which sacred value he serves.

The cover story guards the exit against spread. Pinsof notes that any attempt to call the sacred value a status game reads, to the men inside, as a cue of the caller’s own low standing. He is bitter. He could not hack it. He is an apikoros with a grievance. The reading is sometimes wrong and often right enough to stick, since the man with the most reason to expose the game is the man losing it. So the one who names the ledger is dismissed by the name he earns for naming it, and common knowledge stays caught at the level of the single man. The spell breaks for him and seals behind him. This is why the pair holds. The sacred value runs the steady state, the collapse opens the exit, and the sacred value guards the exit so that one man’s collapse never becomes the room’s.

What saves lishmah from contempt is that the high thing is true. A man can learn for the love of it. Some do. The trouble is that the community needs them less for their learning than for their sincerity, which it spends as cover for everyone else, and the man who wakes up has woken to that, that the system needed him not to notice the ledger it kept on him in a language he was taught was prayer. Steady state and exit, the cover and the broken spell, one machine with two settings. Most men live their whole lives on the first. A few find the second, and pay for it, and a smaller few get paid.

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Try That in a Small Town

A man stands on the steps of the Maury County courthouse in Columbia, Tennessee, and sings a warning. Behind him the building holds two centuries of the town’s law. In 1927 a mob took Henry Choate (accused a raping a 16yo girl) from a cell inside that same building and hanged him from the second-floor balcony. Jason Aldean (b. 1977) did not know this when his director picked the spot. He said later he liked it because it sat five minutes from his home and was where he went each year to get his car tags. The not-knowing belongs to the song. A man can stand on holy ground and not read what blood made it holy.

Ernest Becker (1924-1974) gives the frame for what the man on the steps is doing. In The Denial of Death and Escape from Evil Becker argues that man alone among the animals knows he dies, and that he cannot live inside that knowledge, so every culture builds a screen against it. Becker calls the screen a hero system. A hero system tells a man what a life well spent looks like, what earns him a place that death cannot cancel, and who threatens that place. It answers the one question that presses on a creature who knows his end. How do I count, and how do I last.

The small town in the song is a complete hero system. It offers a man continuance. The same families hold the same land. The square keeps its shape. The church keeps its dead in a yard where the names repeat down the stones, and a boy can find his own surname there and know the ground will keep his. A man in such a town earns significance the oldest way, by being known. He cannot act unseen, and he cannot vanish unmourned. The town watches him into the grave and then tends the grave. Against the terror Becker describes, of erasure, of a death the world does not notice, the small town makes a promise the city cannot make. You will not disappear here.

The song carries three sacred objects, and each one reads as policy to outsiders and as relic to the man inside.

There is the inherited gun. The verse about not surrendering it runs hotter than any argument about crime statistics might explain, and Becker tells us why. The grandfather’s gun is a symbol of permanence handed down through hands. It says the line holds, the name holds, the dead grandfather still stands guard through the grandson. To take the gun is to cut the cord to the dead. A man argues about a tool. He does not argue about a relic. He guards it.

There is the flag, and the burning of it offends in a way that property damage does not, because the flag is the town’s claim to outlast its members written large across the nation. Burn it and you tell the man his immortality vehicle is cloth.

And there is the threat at the center, the line that gives the song its title and its menace. Try that here. Becker says every hero system draws a boundary between the sacred inside and the profaned outside, and stations the hero at the line. The threat is the liturgy of that line. It names the boundary more than it names any act. It announces that here, unlike there, a man is watched, owed, and remembered, and so a stranger who comes to break the order will find the order has hands. The city in the song is the place where a man knocks down an old woman, melts into a crowd that never learned his name, and is gone. The threat promises the singer’s deepest horror, the vanishing, comes to no one here, for good or for ill.

Now take a single word from the song and run it through other hero systems, and watch it fill with different blood each time.

Take neighbor. Aldean answered the racism charge by saying the song meant the home he grew up in, where people took care of each other across every difference, because they were neighbors and that came first. He meant it. For the man inside the small-town hero system, a neighbor is the one down the road who brings his truck when the barn burns and his gun when the trouble comes. Proximity and permanence make the bond. You owe him because he is near, and will stay near, and his children will know your children.

A Trappist monk at a monastery in Kentucky uses the same word and means almost the reverse. For him the neighbor is any man at all, the stranger most of all, because Christ hides in the one you do not know, and the duty rises with the distance, not with the nearness. He keeps no gun for the man down the road. He keeps a cell and a vow and prays for the men who will never learn his name. His hero system promises continuance through eternity rather than through a tended grave, and so it can let the body go in a way the small town cannot.

A founder in San Francisco says neighbor and the word has thinned to a contact, a node in a network worth growing. The warmth has migrated to the word community, which now names a customer list and a brand. His immortality vehicle is the company that might scale past his lifetime and the wealth that might buy his name onto a building. Proximity earns him nothing. He has never met the people below him in the same tower.

A Lakota man on the Pine Ridge reservation hears neighbor and reaches past it to a word his hero system puts at the center, the relative, the web of kin and land that holds a man and that the reservation both preserves and mocks. His sacred ground was taken and his dead lie under it, and the small-town promise, that the land will keep your name, reads to him as the boast of the men who broke that promise to his grandfather.

Take the policeman, since that is where the song split the country. In the chorus the patrol car is the near edge of the sacred order, driven by a man who went to the same high school, who knows whose boy is whose, who is less the state than the town wearing a badge. Safe, in this hero system, means the cousin in the cruiser knows the troublemaker by sight. For a mother in the Cedar-Riverside towers of Minneapolis who carried her children out of Mogadishu, the uniform reads the other way. The man in it might be the last face her nephew saw. Safe, for her, means the cruiser does not slow down. The blue light blesses one hero system and threatens another. Neither woman nor singer is confused about the word safe. Each means it with full weight. The word sits inside a different account of where the death comes from.

Take fight. A Marine home from Helmand hears the line and feels the pull, then fills it with his own meaning. A fight has rules of engagement, runs through a chain of command, and is waged for the man on his left more than for any flag, and the flag he served means something heavier and more bruised to him than to the man who has only saluted it. A shop steward on the Glasgow docks hears try that here and thinks of the picket line, where the boundary guards solidarity rather than property, and the fight is the strike. A widow in a Sicilian hill town hears it and thinks of the vendetta, where the thing kept clean is the family name, paid for in blood across three generations, and where the law of the carabinieri is the outsider’s law, not hers. Each of them might sing the chorus and mean a war the others would not recognize.

In Escape from Evil Becker argues that man does not only build a screen against death. He also tries to scrub evil out of the world, and the scrubbing makes more evil, because the readiest way to feel clean is to find a creature to load the dirt onto and drive him out. The town that hanged accused rapist Henry Choate in 1927 was running that rite. It cast a Black teenager as the carrier of its terror and killed him to feel whole and safe and lasting. The courthouse held the judge’s law and the mob’s law in one set of walls, because both are a town keeping itself clean, and the town did not always feel where the one ended and the other began.

Turn the frame on the men who rose against the song. A Princeton historian, Kevin Kruse (b. 1972), wrote that the song calls for people who are not the law to deal out violence against people who broke no law, and that this is not order at all but its opposite. A writer at NPR traced the long line of country songs that paint the city as the home of crime and color and the country as the home of peace and Whiteness. A Tennessee legislator, Justin Jones (b. 1995), called it a vile racist song. These men keep a sacred order too. Theirs is the lawful, procedural, multiracial republic, and its profanation is the lynching ghost, the sundown town, the mob on the courthouse steps. They station themselves at the boundary of that republic. They name a carrier of the evil and move to drive him out, and this time the carrier is Aldean. When CMT pulled the video four days in, the network ran the old pattern with new tools, and the inner promise held steady. Remove the unclean thing and the order stands.

What the frame shows is the shared inner motion under acts of wildly different weight, the certainty on each side that it guards the human thing against the barbarian, and the need on each side for a carrier to expel. The worst fights in history run between two parties each sure it defends civilization. That certainty, more than malice, does the killing.

The man on the courthouse steps and the men at their keyboards both believe they hold the line for the species, and both are right that something real is being defended. The small town defends a grave that will be tended and a name that will not be lost. The republic defends a law that the strong cannot bend against the weak. Each is a screen against the same dark, and each calls the other the dark.

Aldean told a radio show the courthouse was a matter of convenience, and told CBS he does not run a hundred years of background on a place before he films there, and that in the South a man might struggle to find an old courthouse with no racial blood in its past. He stood on the spot where a town once kept itself clean by killing a boy charged with rape, and he sang about a town keeping itself clean, and he did not know. Most men do not know what their ground is made of.

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Raisin Heir Arrested for Harassing Jews in the Pacific Palisades

The home on Sunset Boulevard sold in March for $5.3 million. Bruce Lion, sixty-four, an heir to a Fresno raisin company, bought the house that shares a property line with the Chabad Jewish Community Center of Pacific Palisades. Within weeks he stood on his balcony and told the rabbi’s wife that she and her husband killed his lord and savior. He hosed down a congregant’s car. He played Black Sabbath’s “War Pigs” and loud Christian devotional music while children walked to the preschool. He told a reporter, the day before his arrest, that it made him happy to inform the Jews next door they were going to hell. He called them pigs. He said the rabbi was hiding bodies on the property.
Rabbi Zushe Cunin runs the Chabad center on the other side of that line. He has run it for more than thirty years. After Lion arrived, several congregants asked him to move the services somewhere safer. Some of them had watched this same neighborhood burn fourteen months earlier.
On January 7, 2025, the Palisades Fire came over the ridge. Cunin and the other emissaries packed the Torah scrolls into the cars and drove out around one in the afternoon. He left the other valuables because he did not believe the building would go. He lost two Suburbans and sixteen public menorahs, the ones he sets around the city each Hanukkah. About seventy percent of his community lost their homes. All three rabbis lost theirs. The synagogue, by the work of the fire department, stood. From a hotel near the airport, fifty-five years old, Cunin gave his line to the displaced: from the ashes we will rebuild, bigger and better.
Now a man next door wants the same ground cleared by other means, and Cunin gives the fire and the man the same answer. He stays. He says he understands why people tell him to get out, and that staying is what he believes. He will not let a man like this terrorize the community.
To see why a sane man refuses the sane advice of his own congregation, you have to look at what the ground means to him, and then watch the same word change shape as it passes through the hands of every other man standing near that property line.
Ernest Becker (1924-1974) gave the frame in The Denial of Death. Man is the animal who knows he will die, and he cannot live inside that knowledge, so he builds a hero system, a set of beliefs about what counts as a heroic life, and inside that system he earns a feeling of cosmic worth. The hero system is how a man buys himself a piece of permanence. It tells him that his days add up to something the grave cannot cancel. Becker called these immortality projects. Two men with two different projects, sharing one fence, are not in a property dispute. Each is a standing argument that the other’s path to permanence is a lie. That is why the heat between them runs so far past the size of the grievance.
Cunin belongs to a hero system with a sharp internal logic, and the man who built its West Coast branch was his father. Shlomo Cunin came out from Brooklyn in the 1960s, sent by the seventh Lubavitcher Rebbe, Menachem Mendel Schneerson (1902-1994), and built the first Chabad houses in California out of almost nothing. The Rebbe’s command was ufaratzta, break through, spread out, and the doctrine underneath it holds that the lowest, darkest, least promising place hides the highest spark, and that the work of a Jew is to go down into that place and draw the light up. You do not flee the dark corner. The dark corner is the assignment. The emissary is a soldier who holds a post the Rebbe gave him, and Chabad means the word in earnest; Cunin runs a children’s program called Tzivos Hashem, the Army of God. His brother Tzemach Cunin (1976-2019) ran Chabad of Century City and spent years of his short life trying to pry the Rebbe’s stolen library back out of Russia. The family does not measure a place by whether it is comfortable. It measures a place by whether it has been assigned.
So when Cunin looks at the ground between his building and Lion’s house, he sees holy ground, sanctified by presence, by prayer drawn down into a place that does not want it. A hostile antisemite on the far side of the fence is not a reason to leave. In this hero system he is closer to a confirmation. The hardest ground is the point. To cede it is to fail the man who sent him, and in Chabad theology the man who sent him is in some sense still present in the sending. Staying is the heroic act. Staying is how a finite man touches the thing that outlasts him.
Now hand the word ground to the men around him and watch it break into different things.
Bruce Lion has a hero system too, and his is older than the raisin money. In it the white Christian holds the land, and the Jew is the contaminant who killed the Lord and now hides bodies behind a fence. His ground is blood and soil and a deed. He bought five point three million dollars of California dirt and he believes the purchase came with the right to drive out the people who offend his god. He plays “War Pigs” at the children because, inside his story, he is the last honest man on the block and the noise is righteousness. His hero system requires the Jew next door to exist as an enemy. Without that enemy, Lion is a sixty-four-year-old man yelling at a preschool from a balcony, and some part of him cannot afford to know that.
A Marine rifle platoon commander hears ground and thinks terrain. The high ground, the ground you take at cost and do not give back, the ground that decides the fight before the fight. He measures it in fields of fire and dead men. To him Cunin’s refusal to move would read as discipline, the thing a man owes the people behind him, and the only question he would ask is whether the position can be held.
A Palisades real-estate developer, walking the burn scar a year after the fire with a broker and a soil report, hears ground and thinks dirt. Lots, comps, entitlements, setbacks, the cost of clearing a foundation, the spread between a teardown and a rebuild. For him the ground is an asset that throws off return, and a screaming neighbor is a disclosure problem that knocks four hundred thousand off the next sale. He would tell Cunin to take the insurance and the appreciation and rebuild in a market with fewer headaches. He cannot see why a man would hold a depreciating position out of love.
A Stoic in the line of Marcus Aurelius hears ground and points at the chest. The only ground a man holds is the ruling part of himself, the inner citadel, and the house, the fence, the deed, the slurs from the balcony, all of it sits in the column of things outside his control and therefore beneath his concern. He would admire Cunin’s calm and gently correct his attachment. Hold your judgments, the Stoic says, and let the man rage; his noise cannot reach the part of you that counts. Cunin would answer that the Stoic guards a single soul while the emissary was sent to draw down God into a street, and that you cannot do the second job from inside a citadel.
A Malibu surfer with thirty years in the same lineup hears ground and thinks of the break, and of localism, and of who gets the wave and who gets run off. His ground is the water off a particular point, claimed by presence and seniority and the willingness to paddle out when it is big and mean. He would grasp the refusal to leave faster than the developer ever could. You hold your spot. You do not let a kook take your peak. But his ground is a thing you defend for yourself and your few, and Cunin’s ground is a thing he holds open for strangers, including, in theory, the man on the balcony, if the man ever wanted in.
Set against all of them stands the wandering ascetic, the renunciate who has given up every fixed place on purpose. He hears ground and hears a trap. Attachment to a plot of earth is one more rope tying the soul to the wheel of suffering, and the free man owns nothing and stays nowhere and calls no fence his own. He would look at Cunin holding a contested lot against a hostile neighbor and a burned market and see a learned man clinging to dust. And here the two hero systems meet head on, because Chabad answers that God put the spark in the dust, that the physical world is the arena and not the obstacle, and that a Jew sanctifies the ground by staying on it, not by floating free of it.
One word. Holy assignment, blood inheritance, defended terrain, depreciating asset, indifferent externality, defended break, spiritual trap. Each man is sure his reading is the plain one and the others are confused. Becker’s point is that none of them reads the ground straight. Each reads it through the story he needs to make his own life weigh something against death, and the strength of his certainty rises with how much he has riding on it.
This is why the property line in the Palisades carries so much voltage. Lion needs the Jew to be the enemy or his whole frame collapses. Cunin needs the dark corner to be the mission or his father’s life and his brother’s death and his own thirty years bought nothing. Two immortality projects, one fence, no room for both readings of the ground to be true.
The congregants who told Cunin to move are not weak, and they are not wrong about the danger. They are reading the ground the way the developer reads it, as a place you can trade for a safer one, which is a sane reading and the reading most men live by. Cunin cannot take it, because his hero system does not let him price the ground at all. A man who will not name his price looks like a fanatic from the outside and a saint from the inside, and the same act earns both words, which tells you the act lives below the level of argument, down where a man decides what his life is for.
The court will sort out Bruce Lion. There is a competency hearing and a bail figure and a sentence of up to nine years and four months, and on the morning he was to be arraigned he would not come out of his cell, which is its own small confession about how much a man can bear to look at. None of that touches the deeper question the fence keeps asking, the one Becker would ask. When a man tells you he will not move, listen for what he thinks he is standing on. The fire could not move Cunin. The neighbor will not either. He is standing on the only ground his story recognizes as real, and from inside that story, leaving was never one of the options.

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Two Feet of Wall: The Hero System of Nicholas Dockery

He climbs onto the roof carrying colored smoke. Below him the alley holds two of his soldiers, one of them not breathing, and forty feet past the gate sit fighters who came out of a mosque that morning with rocket-propelled grenades and a plan. The Kiowas circle above the canopy and cannot tell his men from the enemy. The trees hide everyone. So he goes up where the smoke will read against the sky, and the smoke does its work, and it also tells every rifle in the valley where he stands. The wall in front of him rises two feet. He holds the roof for more than thirty minutes and fixes the enemy in place while the wounded move toward a truck.

Start there, because the rooftop strips the question to the bone. Why does a man do this. Not the medal, which came fourteen years later through a board and a vote of the Senate. Not the training, which explains the skill and not the choice. The skill puts him on the roof. Something else keeps him there behind two feet of wall when leaving costs nothing and staying might cost everything.

Ernest Becker (1924-1974) built a whole account of human striving around that gap. In The Denial of Death he argues that man alone among the animals knows he will die, cannot bear the knowing, and spends his life building a defense against it. The defense is a hero system. Every culture hands its members a drama of significance, a way to feel they count beyond the grave, and the members throw themselves into it because the alternative is the raw terror of the body that rots. The artist writes the book that outlives him. The father plants the line that carries his name. The believer joins the cosmic story that ends in heaven. Becker calls these immortality projects, and his point cuts hard: the projects are symbolic. The novelist will never watch his death undone by the novel. The defense works because the man never has to test it against the thing it defends against.

This is where Dockery breaks the pattern, and where a reader who has followed Becker through ten lives finds new ground. Almost every hero system keeps the body and the symbol apart. The infantry collapses them. On the roof the symbol and the body occupy the same square of mud and tar. He is not composing a work against death. He stands in front of death so three men can be carried out. Becker describes a flight. Dockery runs the other way down the alley.

Look at what he runs toward, in sequence, because the sequence is the argument. A grenade lands in front of him and another soldier; he shoves the man behind cover and takes the blast on his own account. A machine gun opens up fifteen feet away; he steps into its fire so a second soldier can throw the grenade that kills the crew. An RPG destroys the last cover and leaves him disoriented and vomiting, and from that state he counts heads, finds two missing, and goes back into the alley after them. He lifts the first man clear. He sees enemy moving on the second, sprints forward firing, kills them, lifts the second man, and dislocates his own shoulder doing it. The man is not breathing. He works on him until he breathes. Then he calls mortars onto the position and lies over the wounded soldier with his own body while the rounds come in.

A man who flees death does none of this. So the hero system that holds him is not the one Becker mapped first.

The word everyone reaches for is courage, and the word is a trap, because it sounds like one thing and names a dozen. Watch what happens when you carry it around the world.

To a hospice nurse, courage names staying in the room after the family steps into the hall, holding the hand through the last breath, refusing to flee what no skill can fix. The death is not hers to prevent. Her hero system rewards presence at the end, not victory over it.

To a short seller on a trading floor, courage names holding the losing position against the whole room, being the man everyone wants to be wrong, waiting weeks for a number that may never come. His death-defense runs through the ledger. He buys significance by reading the world correctly when the crowd reads it wrong.

To a man free-soloing a granite face, courage names a private settlement with the rock. No one below him lives or dies by what he does. The risk purchases mastery of the self, a clean account between him and gravity, and the audience is incidental.

To a Carthusian in his cell, courage names the renunciation performed every morning with no one watching, a daily dying to the self that the order treats as the only death worth winning. His immortality is the soul’s, bought by surrendering the body’s claims.

To a fighter forty feet down that same alley, courage names the morning’s work in reverse. He came out of the mosque ready to die killing the infidel and wake in the garden. He has a creed, a paradise, and a word for the men who fall. To him the martyr is the one who drops in the courtyard, not the one who carries the wounded to the truck. One alley. Two complete accounts of who won eternity that day. Each man uses the single word courage. No two of them mean the thing the others mean.

A sacred value has no fixed content. It draws its meaning from the hero system that issues it, the way a banknote draws value from the bank behind it and turns to paper the moment the bank fails. Move the word courage from the floor to the cell to the rooftop and it changes character at each station, because the death it defends against changes shape and the immortality it purchases changes price.

So name the system that holds Dockery, since it is not the artist’s and not the monk’s. The infantry hands its members four lines, and the soldier learns them by rote until they stop being words. I will always place the mission first. I will never accept defeat. I will never quit. I will never leave a fallen comrade. Read the fourth line against the alley. He went back for two men, one of them dead weight in his arms, with enemy closing and his own shoulder torn from its socket. The line is not a slogan that day. It is the literal description of the choice, performed under the worst conditions a man can perform it.

The infantry’s immortality project asks something strange of the body it inhabits. It does not promise the soldier he will live. It promises him he will not be left. That is the trade at the center of the system. You give up the ordinary defense, the flight, the cover, the calculation that keeps a man alive, and in exchange you join a line that does not abandon its own. The dead get carried. The names get read at the next formation. The medal gets certified and entered in a permanent record. Becker would recognize the shape at once. The hero system does not let the individual cheat death. It lets him exchange a lonely death for a death inside a story that continues, and the continuation is the immortality on offer.

Watch how the story certifies itself, because the clerks are part of the sacred and Becker said every hero system needs its clerks. The act happened on October 2, 2012. A board reviewed it. A Silver Star came down. Years passed. A second board reconsidered, the citation climbed the chain of command toward the President, a bill moved through the House, the Senate passed it without a dissenting voice, and the award rose by two grades to the Medal of Honor. Today his name joins the roster in the Pentagon’s Hall of Heroes, which the Department of War keeps as its permanent display of record. A committee processes the transcendence. The colored smoke on the roof becomes, fourteen years on, an entry that outlives the man. The symbol catches up to the body it could not protect.

Set the two creeds in the same alley and you see why hero systems make war on each other rather than merely differing. The fighters from the mosque needed Dockery’s men to be the carriers of death, the infidels whose defeat purchases the garden. Dockery’s system needed the fighters to be the threat whose defeat saves the line. Each system buys its significance against the other. Becker traced this into Escape from Evil, where he argues that men kill to enlarge the realm of the good and to load their own mortality onto an enemy who can be destroyed. Two squads of fighters came out of a mosque to expand one kingdom of meaning. A platoon leader crossed two hundred fifty meters of open ground to defend another. Both believed they served life against death. The alley could not hold both accounts, so the accounts settled the matter with rifles and grenades, which is how hero systems have always settled it.

Now the part that keeps Dockery from fitting any single frame. The man who is the limit case of the warrior system, who ran toward the death his training told him to manage, founded a foundation in 2025 for soldiers carrying post-traumatic stress, and built it around art therapy and equine therapy. He named the hidden wound out loud and put money behind the slow work of repair. That is a second hero system, and its sacred values run opposite to the first. The warrior system prizes the mission over the body and certifies valor through a board. The therapeutic system prizes the healing of the self and treats the wound, not the medal, as the truth of the matter. Its hero is not the man who held the roof. Its hero is the man who survives the roof and rebuilds a life on the far side of it. Dockery lives in both. He carries the medal and he funds the horses. The same word, recovery, would baffle the fighter in the alley as thoroughly as the word martyr baffles the board that voted the medal.

A reader hungry for a clean thesis wants the two systems to contradict each other inside one man, a paradox to resolve. They do not contradict. They sit side by side, two immortality projects sharing one biography, each answering a death the other cannot reach. The warrior system answers the death that comes by rifle and grenade in four hours of fighting. The therapeutic system answers the slower death that comes afterward, in the years a man spends alone with what the four hours did to him. Becker gives us the tool to see that a single life can run more than one defense at once, and need both.

Which returns the essay to the alley, where the analysis can name the system but cannot improve on the act. He stood up in machine-gun fire so another man could throw a grenade. He lifted a soldier who was not breathing and breathed for him. He climbed onto a roof with two feet of wall and let the smoke tell the enemy where he was, and he held the roof while the wounded crossed open ground to a truck, and he did not leave the village until the last of them was inside the vehicle. No one on his team died that day.

Becker can tell us which story made the choice legible to the man who made it, which creed he had learned by heart, which line the alley turned from words into deeds. The frame earns its keep. It explains why one word means a death to one man and a garden to another, why a committee can manufacture immortality from colored smoke, why two armies in one alley each believed they fought for life. What the frame cannot do is touch the thing at the center. He went back into the alley. He carried them out. The system gave him the reason. The going back was his.

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The Bridge and the Star

On the morning of April 2, 1972, a Marine captain went under a bridge and stayed there for about three hours while an army tried to kill him. John W. Ripley (1939-2008) was thirty-two. He served as senior advisor to the Third Vietnamese Marine Corps Infantry Battalion, and the North Vietnamese had launched the Easter Offensive, twenty thousand troops and a column of tanks pushing south, all of it funneling toward one span over the Dong Ha River. The bridge was the only crossing. Stop the bridge and you stop the column. There was no one to do it but him.

He had practiced the move as a boy without knowing it. On the New River in Radford, Virginia, the young Ripley hand-walked the underside of a bridge, rail to rail, to impress his nephews. Thirty years later his hands remembered. Army Major James Smock fed him boxes of explosives from the road, and Ripley swung out along the steel, hand over hand, hanging his body in the open while rifles and machine guns and a tank worked the river. He carried about five hundred pounds of charges out under the span and wired them across the structural points. To set the fuses he had to bite the blasting caps onto them with his teeth. Bite too low and the cap slips off. Bite too high and it takes his head. He bit right. When his arms gave out he kept moving by chanting four words in time with his hands. “Jesus, Mary, get me there.” He got there. He blew the bridge. The column stopped.

Ernest Becker (1924-1974) gives us the lens to read what a man builds out of an act like that. A man knows he will die, and the knowledge is unbearable, so he constructs a hero system, a set of beliefs and roles that let him feel he counts in a universe that outlasts his body. Becker calls this the urge to be an object of primary value in a world of meaning. Every culture hands its members a recipe for heroism and a promise that the recipe pays out in significance the grave cannot touch. The recipes differ. Money. The poem. The bloodline. The flag. The Church. The Corps. A man heroic by one recipe registers as nothing, or as a criminal, by another.

Ripley gives us the project in its barest form. Most men spread the work across a long career, accumulating the small fixed marks that say a life happened. Ripley front-loaded his. He converted three hours of flesh into a permanent thing. The bridge ceased to exist, and in the ceasing he became fixed: the diorama at the Naval Academy titled “Ripley at the Bridge,” the book by John Grider Miller called The Bridge at Dong Ha, the biography by Norman Fulkerson called An American Knight, and now, fifty-four years on, the Medal of Honor that President Trump handed to his son in the East Room on June 18, 2026. The body that hung under the span is gone. The fact of it stays.

What did the act mean to the man who did it, and why does the meaning hold only inside his hero system? Look at the sacred words.

Start with courage, since Ripley is the American icon of it, and since he ranked his own most famous act below another kind. He drew a line between physical courage and moral courage and put moral courage on top. He defined it as the will to stick up for what is right when someone turns up the heat. Courage was a sacred word for him, and it split in two inside his own head.

Set his courage beside three others. The free-solo climber works the rock without a rope, and his courage is the private mastery of fear in a single move no partner can share, his body the only tool, his audience the self and a camera if he allows one. The hospice nurse stays in the room with slow death, week after week, no irreversible move, no enemy, no medal, the audience one dying stranger and the courage the refusal to leave. The whistleblower breaks faith with the institution he served, chooses an abstract public over the men beside him, and his system crowns him for the break. To Ripley that last one reads as the opposite of courage, because his courage runs through loyalty to the unit and the oath, and a man who turns on the unit has failed the test, not passed it. Same word. The climber locates it in the body, the nurse in endurance, the whistleblower in betrayal of the near for the far, Ripley in standing fast for the near. Four men, four contents, one syllable.

Take sacrifice. Ripley offered his body in full view, under fire, and the offering was meant to be seen and kept. The Corps watched. God watched. The point of the act included its witnesses. Set that against the Trappist who gives up his name, his speech, and the world, and offers a life no one outside the cloister will ever see. The diorama might horrify the monk, because hiddenness is the whole of his offering and a witnessed sacrifice is a spoiled one. God sees, and that suffices, and the praise of men spoils the gift. Or set it against the man who gives a kidney to a stranger, cuts his body for someone he will never meet, then drives home and tells no one. For Ripley a sacrifice unseen by the Corps loses half its meaning. For the monk a sacrifice seen by anyone but God loses all of it. The word points in opposite directions depending on who the hero system seats in the audience.

Take honor. Ripley meant by it the clean line, the oath unbroken, the hands kept off what they had no right to. He said that if anyone ever filmed his life it had better not show him unfaithful to his wife, Moline. He refused profanity in a profession built on it. The Marine hymn asks to keep our honor clean, and he read the line as a standing order. Now set his honor beside the honor of the northern Albanian under the Kanun, or the Pashtun under Pashtunwali, where honor is the unpaid debt, the answer owed for an insult or a killing, and a man who fails to answer loses his face and his family’s standing for a generation. That honor commands the act the law calls murder. Ripley’s honor forbids it. One code says the blood must be paid. The other says the hands must stay clean. Both men will die for the word. They cannot both be right, and inside each system the other man is not honorable but contemptible.

Take the line, meaning lineage, since Ripley’s project ran through blood in both directions. His ancestors fought in every American war back to the Revolution. Two of his sons became Marines and the third went to a military academy. His oldest daughter he named Mary, after Our Lady, following the family pattern. The hero stands midway in a column of the dead and the unborn, and his act pays a debt to the men behind him and sets an example for the men ahead. Set that against the founder who burns the boats, whose immortality is the thing he builds, whose past is dead weight, who treats ancestors as nothing because the future is the only ledger he reads. Set it against the convert who breaks his birth line on purpose, trades the blood he was born into for a covenant he chooses, and counts the break as the first heroic act of his new life. To Ripley the founder is rootless and the convert is a deserter from his own people. To the convert, Ripley is a prisoner of an accident of birth. The line is sacred to one man and a cage to the next.

Behind all of it sits the faith, and the faith tells us who Ripley thought was keeping score. He credited the bridge to God and to his mother. He said that if you can be a good Catholic you can be a good Marine, and he ran the two codes as one code. The chant under the span was a prayer. He received Last Rites during a liver transplant in 2002 and faced that table the way he faced the river. The audience for his whole life was double, God and the Corps, and the two never split for him, which is why the act could be both a sacrament and a tactic at the same instant. The climber answers to gravity, the founder to the market, the whistleblower to a public he will never meet. Ripley answered to a God who saw the man under the bridge and a Corps that would tell the story after. He built his significance to last past his death by handing it to two keepers, one eternal and one institutional, and both have now paid out.

He went back under a second bridge in the early 1990s, and this one cost him. He testified before the Presidential Commission on the Assignment of Women in the Armed Forces against women in combat, and he opposed gays in the military, and he did it knowing the country was moving the other way. The stand cost him his general’s star. Read through Becker, this is the same act as the first one. Two American hero systems met head on, an older one built on a fixed warrior code and a rising one built on equal access to every role, and both claimed the same ground and could not both hold it. Ripley staked his significance on the older system and took the loss in rank rather than recant. That was the moral courage he prized above the physical kind, the will to stick up for what he held right when the heat came up. The bridge in Vietnam asked his body. The bridge in Washington asked his career, and by his own scale the second cost more and counted more.

Which returns us to the medal and to the only question Becker leaves standing. The awarding of significance is a contest between hero systems and never a neutral act. Someone decides what counts, and the deciding is itself a move in the contest. For fifty-four years the official mark on Dong Ha was the Navy Cross, the second-highest award, and the men who fought to raise it to the first spent decades doing so. On June 18, 2026, one system delivered its verdict and called the act the highest heroism the nation recognizes. A different American system reads the same life and grieves the star he lost over the testimony, and reads his stand on women and gays as the stain on an otherwise clean line. Same man. Same courage. Two ledgers that will not reconcile, because they answer to different gods and seat different judges. The bridge made him permanent. The medal tells us which hero system, for now, holds the pen. The star he never wore tells us the contest is not closed.

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The Last Man on the Ground

The claymores opened the ambush. Steel balls tore through the team. A round broke his leg. Shrapnel ripped his abdomen open. He kept the handset. He called fire onto the base camp he had spent four days finding, walked the rounds in close, and moved nine men toward a clearing where a helicopter might reach them. He fought with a rifle and grenades for the better part of an hour and took more bullets in his legs.

The bird came in. Its floor was already wet from the wounded. The copilot had been shot. They loaded the casualties. They loaded the dead war dog. The overloaded helicopter strained and could not climb. James Capers, Jr. (b. August 25, 1937), the team leader, a second lieutenant, the son of South Carolina sharecroppers, did the arithmetic. One man off the skid and the rest might fly. He tried to roll off into the grass. A crewman caught him by his harness and hauled him back in.

That is the act. Hold it still a moment, because almost everything worth saying about the man sits inside one question. Why does a torn-open man choose to stay on the ground so a helicopter can leave without him? “If I was going to die there in Vietnam, I was going to die fighting,” he said later. Inside the right frame, the sentence is not bravado. It is a description of a contract.

Ernest Becker (1924-1974) gave us the frame. In The Denial of Death and in Escape from Evil he argued that man knows he will die and cannot live inside that knowledge, so every culture hands him a script for becoming something that outlasts the body. Becker called these scripts hero systems. A hero system tells a man what counts, what a life is for, how he earns a place in a story that does not end when his heart stops. The terror underneath is the terror of vanishing without trace. The hero system is the standing answer.

Run Capers through that frame and the skid makes sense. The Corps took a sharecropper’s son who had no birth certificate, a man the FBI later assigned a birthday because the rural South kept no record of his arrival, and it offered him an immortality the country outside the gate withheld. The Corps keeps a ledger. In that ledger the worst death is not the death of the body. The worst death is the death of the name, and the name dies the moment you leave a man. To roll off the skid is to keep the name. The body bleeding into the grass is the smaller loss. He becomes deathless in the only register open to him, and he pays cash for it on a helicopter floor.

The Corps gave him a single word for the contract, and the word is “faithful.” Semper Fidelis. The word looks plain. It is not. A sacred value carries its meaning from the hero system that houses it, and the same word points at different immortalities for different men.

For a Trappist monk the vow is stability, and “faithful” means he dies in the same monastery where he took the habit, having left the walls maybe never, keeping the Hours for fifty years so the prayer does not stop. His denial of death runs through the unbroken line of the Rule and the promise of the life to come. To leave would be the death that counts.

For a Sicilian widow “faithful” means the black dress she puts on the week her husband dies and does not take off again, the lamp kept lit, the second marriage refused though sensible relatives press it on her. She keeps faith with a man in the ground. Her immortality is the memory she guards, and she is its keeper.

For a Bolshevik commissar in 1919 “faithful” means the Party and the forward motion of History. He keeps faith by denouncing his own brother, because the brother stands against the line, and the line is the road to the deathless future of mankind. The cause swallows the family and calls the swallowing a virtue.

For a Pashtun elder under Pashtunwali “faithful” runs along two tracks at once. He keeps faith with the guest under his roof though the whole valley wants the guest dead, and he keeps faith with the blood debt though collecting it takes thirty years. Hospitality and revenge are the same fidelity seen from two sides, and his name lives or dies by both.

For Capers “faithful” means the man on his left and the man on his right, the team, the Corps that made a sharecropper’s son an officer when the country would not seat him at a lunch counter. To keep faith is to bring everyone home. To break faith is to ride out while a wounded Marine stays in the grass.

One word. Five contracts with death. Each man would look at the other four and see something between confusion and madness.

Run “honor” the same way and the lesson sharpens, because the contest is not only between Capers and strangers. It runs inside his own uniform.

For a Comanche horse raider on the southern plains in the 1840s, honor is the coup counted, the enemy touched in the open, the horses cut loose and driven home, the war name the band will speak after he is gone. The raid is the road to standing among the dead and the living both.

For a Korean eldest son raised in the Confucian grammar, honor is the family name and the rites kept for the ancestors, the line carried forward, the old shame never brought to the door. He earns his place by never being the man who let the lineage fall.

For a founder in a glass building south of Market Street, honor thins into reputation, the clean exit, the dent he claims to leave in the world. His hero system promises that the company outlives him and that his name attaches to the thing that changed how men live. He courts a small immortality made of equity and press.

Then, in the same Marine Corps, two men wear the same eagle, globe, and anchor and serve two hero systems that share almost nothing. One is the warrior. The other is the careerist. For the careerist, honor is the efficiency report, the unblemished record, the next rank, the assignment that positions him for the star. He holds death off by climbing, and the climb asks him to take no risk a board might later question. The warrior’s honor asks the opposite. It asks him to stay on the ground. Capers spent his life inside the first reading while the institution around him ran more on the second. The medal he waited fifty-nine years for is the rare moment when the careerist’s machinery and the warrior’s creed point at the same man.

Capers invested his whole denial of death in two systems at once, and the two did not value him the same. He served the Corps and he served the Republic. The Corps in the field runs a ledger that cares about one thing, whether a man can read the ground and bring the team out alive. That ledger does not check his color before it decides who lives tonight. The Republic ran a different ledger. In 1967, the year of the ambush, the civic order ranked Black men below White men, and the country he carried his wounded home for would not have served him at counters in the towns his recruiting posters hung in. He became the face of the Corps’ first integrated recruiting campaign aimed at young Black men that same year, still recovering from the wounds. The first ledger was the more honest of the two toward him. The second took until he was 88.

The Medal of Honor is the civic hero system’s holiest rite, the formal act of writing a man into the deathless story the nation tells about itself. His commanding officer recommended him for it in 1967. The officer, his strongest advocate, was killed before he signed the paperwork. The immortality nearly died with the man who would have certified it, which tells you how fragile the inscription is and how much it rides on accidents of who survives to file the form. In 2010 the Bronze Star became a Silver Star. This spring the President, Donald Trump (b. 1946), signed a bill waiving the statute of time, and on June 18, 2026, the medal went around the neck of a man of 88 in the White House. That the inscription arrives now, under this President, in a season when the meaning of such ceremonies is fought over inside the partisan hero system, is part of the truth and not the center of it. The center is a man who waited from 30 to 88 for his country to write down what the Corps had known about him in the grass at Phu Loc.

Becker did not leave the heroic urge looking clean. In Escape from Evil he argued that the same hunger for cosmic significance that lifts a man to carry his wounded out of fire is the root from which human evil grows, because men buy their immortality cheaply by deciding that some other group of men carries the death and the badness and may be killed to hold it off. The ambush had two sides. The North Vietnamese regiment that sprang the claymores kept its own ledger, carried its own dead off the field, held its own word for faithful, and counted the foreign reconnaissance team as the enemy whose defeat bought meaning. Capers’s fidelity to his nine men and the enemy commander’s fidelity to his ran on the same engine. The war set both ledgers in one clearing and let them settle accounts in blood. A reckoning with Capers that refuses to see this does not honor him. It uses him.

Capers says he does not think he did anything extraordinary. Inside his hero system the sentence is true and not modesty. The Corps told him what a man is, and on the worst day of his life he was that man without hesitation, which is the whole work a hero system does. It removes the hesitation. It turns the terror of dying into a clear instruction about how to spend the dying well.

The rest of us read the skid across our own systems. The founder sees waste. The careerist sees a man who failed to manage his risk. The pacifist sees one more body the war fed on. The monk sees a kind of martyrdom. Most of us, told in plain words that rolling off the skid is what a man does, could not do it, and the reason is not the body. The body is the easy part. The reason is that we hold no contract that would make the act feel like the only move on the board. Capers held one. He paid it in full on a floor wet with other men’s blood, fifty-nine years before his country got around to writing down what it owed him.

Posted in America | Comments Off on The Last Man on the Ground

LAT: Ford sues L.A. lemon law firm alleging ‘utter fabrications’ inflated fees by 7,000%

Rebecca Ellis writes for The Los Angeles Times:

Ford Motor Co. is suing a prominent Los Angeles lemon law firm for allegedly inflating their fees by as much as 7,000%, the company’s latest attempt to crack down on California attorneys who it says are exploiting the state’s unique law to protect consumers from defective cars.

Quill & Arrow, a personal injury firm that represents drivers suing over so-called “lemons” — vehicles with significant, unfixable manufacturing flaws — has long been a thorn in the side of Ford. Since 2021, Ford said its has paid them more than $100 million, roughly half in attorney fees.

That profit, Ford alleges in a federal lawsuit filed Thursday, came from billing records that were “utter fabrications.”

Quill & Arrow used an overseas “army” of low-paid, non-lawyers to help file thousands of lemon lawsuits and then pretended the work was done by California attorneys, who billed as much as $950 per hour, Ford alleged in its complaint.

Ford claims that the bulk of the work was actually done by non-lawyers in countries such as Mexico and the Philippines, who got paid as little as $13 per hour.

Quill & Arrow was founded in 2019 by attorneys Kevin Jacobson and Jonathan Shirian, according to the firm’s website, which touts recovering $500 million in lemon law payouts. The partners called Ford’s lawsuit “nothing more than an attempt to silence firms who would dare to hold them responsible and seek justice for consumers.”

…California’s lemon law, considered one of the strongest consumer protections in the nation, allows drivers to get a refund or replacement of a broken car if the manufacturer can’t fix it. If the driver is not satisfied, they can sue.

If the driver wins, the law allows attorneys to collect their fees from the car maker — rather than take a percentage of the client’s winnings, as is common in personal injury cases. This fee structure, Ford argues, has turned the law into a bonanza for plaintiff attorneys. The longer the case drags on, the company argues, the more the law firm can reap in profit.

Ford alleges the firm intentionally slowed down its clients’ cases to drive up their billable hours, instructing drivers not to communicate with Ford and pushing them toward filing a lawsuit.

“California’s Lemon Laws are in need of reform and the courts need to exercise more oversight, given the fraud we continue to expose,” said Doug Lampe, counsel at Ford, in a statement. The law is “being blatantly abused by the lemon law plaintiffs lawyers, the bar is not policing its own and the courts need to monitor fee awards with far more skepticism and scrutiny.”

The cases, he said, “have become about the lawyers for the lawyers.”

Lemon law cases have exploded in California in the last decade from about 4,500 cases in 2015 to roughly 30,000 in 2024, according to an analysis from the Assembly Judiciary. These cases, officials warned, “are poised to cripple the entirety of California’s civil justice system.”

…A partner at Knight Law Group, an L.A.-based lemon law firm, once billed an “ostensibly heroic but physically impossible” 57.5-hour workday, Ford alleged.

…A judge threw out the suit [against Knight Law Group] in March on the grounds that lawyers were protected under the First Amendment from being sued for the content of their lawsuits unless the case was proven fraudulent. Ford says it plans to appeal.

After Quill found about the Knight Law Group case, Ford alleged, Quill dedicated a team to “scrubbing” their own timesheets of “impossible time entries.”

The Los Angeles Times reported May 21, 2025:

Ford Motor Co. has filed suit against multiple prominent Southern California law firms and attorneys, alleging that they engaged in a vast and sophisticated fraud scheme to collect at least $100 million in “phantom legal fees” under the state’s Lemon Law.

In a complaint filed early Wednesday in Los Angeles federal court, the Dearborn, Mich.-based car manufacturer claimed the lawyers violated the Racketeering Influenced and Corrupt Organizations (RICO) Act by working together to carry out the alleged fraud for years.

Describing the invoices it received from California lawyers as a “magical mystery tour of fictitious billings,” Ford claimed that attorneys named in the lawsuit took advantage of a statute designed to protect consumers from faulty products, including cars…

The complaint alleged that Steve B. Mikhov was the “ringleader of the criminal enterprise” and that he and Knight Law Group, the Los Angeles-based firm where he was a founding partner, “orchestrated” the scheme.

Georgia, South Carolina, Louisiana, and Arkansas passed tort reform in their 2025 sessions aimed at neutralizing nuclear verdicts, and Florida and others moved on premises liability, bad faith law, and transparency around third-party litigation funding. Georgia acted after a $1.7 billion verdict in Hill v. Ford Motor Co. and a $2.5 billion verdict in Brogdon v. Ford Motor Co. Most of that sits in red states with business-friendly legislatures.
California is the outlier, and that explains why the Ford suits take the shape they do. The legislature only tightened the lemon law a little in 2024, and the caseload climbed anyway. Manufacturers can’t win in Sacramento, so they fight in court. The Ford play is not legislative reform at all. It’s a defendant suing the plaintiff firms directly, under RICO and fraud theories. A different weapon.
And it keeps failing. A court threw out the May 2025 RICO suit against Knight Law Group, on the holding that lawyers are shielded from suit over the content of their filings unless those filings are proven fraudulent. Read the Quill & Arrow complaint against that backdrop. The overseas-non-lawyer angle is built to clear that bar. “You billed $950 an hour for work done by someone in Manila paid $13” is a fraud and unauthorized-practice claim, not a gripe about hours. It’s engineered to survive the First Amendment problem that sank the first suit.
The lemon law issue is fee-shifting, not runaway juries. Under the Song-Beverly Consumer Warranty Act, the manufacturer pays the winning plaintiff’s legal fees and costs. So the incentive runs toward dragging a case out, not toward a giant award.
Fee-shifting exists because a single driver can’t outspend Ford. Strip it out and the statute dies as a deterrent. The firms’ line about Ford trying to silence consumer advocates is self-serving, and it isn’t empty. The reform question is how to police padded timesheets without gutting the thing that lets ordinary buyers sue at all. Ford’s people frame it as a bar that won’t police itself. The firms frame it as a manufacturer making consumer litigation too costly to bring. Both can be true at once.

Posted in Los Angeles | Comments Off on LAT: Ford sues L.A. lemon law firm alleging ‘utter fabrications’ inflated fees by 7,000%

To Be Seen Learning

A man walks into the beis medrash on Shabbos morning. He wears a black Borsalino, brushed, the brim shaped the way the older baalei batim shape it. He takes a seat three rows from the mizrach wall, close enough to the rav to be counted, far enough that no one can say he chose the seat to be counted. He opens a Gemara to Thursday’s daf while the minyan is still on Pesukei D’Zimra. During the silent Shemoneh Esrei he stays on his feet after the others sit, swaying, his lips moving, his eyes shut. No one times him. Everyone knows.

David Pinsof gives this a name. In his paper “The Evolution of Social Paradoxes,” he defines a social paradox as a signal built to hide, from the man who sends it and from the man who receives it, that a signal is moving between them. The virtue signaler does not believe he is signaling virtue. The men who award him virtue do not believe they are awarding it either, and if they caught themselves doing so, the award stops. The signal works only while buried. Bring it to the surface and it dies.

Pinsof builds the paradox from two abilities. The first is recursive mindreading, the human knack for holding a thought about a thought: he wants me to believe he is pious; he knows that I know he wants me to believe it. Most men track three or four of these layers without strain. The second is cue-based inference, the habit of reading a trait off a behavior. A man who delays gratification reads as trustworthy. A man who wears a yarmulke reads as a Jew. A cue leaks information without trying to. A signal is sent on purpose. Once both programs run inside the same skull, the two slide into each other and will not hold still. The man who knows Shas because he loves it gives off a valid cue of learning. The man who drops a sharp Tosafos into conversation to be heard dropping it has turned that cue into a signal. And the loud signal, caught, slides back into a cue, this time of vanity.

The frum world keeps an exact word for the second man. Frummer. Yeshivish for the one whose religion has gone showy, whose chumras outrun his level, whose lips move a beat too long. It is an insult, and the insult is the whole point. The community polices the slide from honest piety to status display by naming it and laughing at it. Halacha names it too. Yuhara is the prohibition on religious ostentation, the sin of keeping a stringency above your station so that others will see you keep it. A man who washes for bread where the custom is to wait, who wears tzitzis out where his fathers wore them in, who takes on a chumra the gedolim of his town did not take on, commits yuhara. The category exists because the slide is old and the tradition saw it coming. Pious behavior carries rank. The rank corrupts the behavior the instant anyone admits the rank is there.

Pinsof argues that status signals go underground on their own, pushed there by the mindreading arms race. Judaism did not wait for the arms race. It built the burial into the law and the mussar. The Talmud in Pesachim teaches that a man should learn Torah even she-lo lishmah, not for its own sake, because from impure motive he comes to pure. The ideal is lishmah, learning with no eye on the reward, and the tradition treats the eye on the reward as a sickness to be outgrown. Pirkei Avot warns the scholar not to make the Torah a crown to magnify himself or a spade to dig with, and teaches that the man who uses the crown passes from the world. Tocho k’voro, inside like outside, names the integrity that the paradox threatens, the match between the private man and the public one. Every one of these is a rule against signaling that you are not signaling. The tradition saw the buried signal and ordered it buried deeper.

Maimonides (1138-1204) ranks the burial. His ladder of tzedakah, the one Pinsof’s own sources cite, puts the gift where giver and taker never learn each other’s names above the gift handed over with a smile and a witness. The higher rung is the more concealed one. Climb the ladder and you climb toward the gift that earns no credit, which is the gift that earns the most credit among the men who understand the ladder. The donor wall in the lobby sits at the bottom of the ladder and the top of the building fund. The plaque, the dinner journal ad, the mi shebeirach read out for a pledge, all of it transmits wealth and devotion at once, and all of it loses force the moment it reads as bought honor rather than given help. The man who gives in secret and is found out has the best of both. Pinsof calls this symbiotic deception. The Rambam called it the higher rung and let the secret do its work.

The top of the frum hierarchy holds because it refuses to look like a top. Anava, humility, is the master middah, and the gadol who flees honor, who has to be begged three times before he takes the rosh yeshiva’s chair, who travels in a plain car and eats a plain meal, gathers the honor he flees. Pinsof’s account explains why the flight is the move. A trait hard to fake and easy to read makes a stable signal. Humility is easy to fake and hard to read, so the men competing in it are forced underground, into ever quieter displays of not competing. The Novardok school of the mussar movement pushed this to its edge. Its students did bizyonos, drills in self-humiliation, walking into a pharmacy to ask for nails, wearing torn clothes in the street, courting shame on purpose to starve the ego’s hunger for honor. The man who broke his ego most thoroughly rose highest in a yeshiva built to have no highest. The status game collapsed and reformed one rung down, and the new rung was abasement.

Where the trait is easy to mimic, Pinsof predicts arms races and churn, and the kashrus world delivers them. Glatt was once a stringency and is now the floor. Chalav Yisrael, pas Yisrael, water filtered for the copepods the poskim argued over, hand-shmura matzah guarded from the cutting of the wheat, the second and third hechsher on a product that already had one. Each chumra starts as a private cue of seriousness, becomes a signal as the serious adopt it, and then becomes the new baseline as the slow adopters catch up, which sends the front-runners hunting for the next one. The shidduch market runs the same churn on the children. A girl’s family lands a chosson learning in a top yeshiva and the landing reports the family’s standing more than the boy’s mind. The school the children attend, the waiting list, the rejection from the more exclusive cheder, all of it moves rank, and the parents will tell you, with feeling, that they chose the school for the chinuch.

Some communities have noticed the churn and tried to legislate it down. The wedding takanos in Lakewood and elsewhere cap the guest list, the number of musicians, the flowers, the length of the smorgasbord. These are a community looking straight at a signaling arms race and trying to turn the volume down by law, because the spending had stopped buying status and started buying ruin, each family forced to match the last. Pinsof’s theory predicts both the arms race and the takanah, the runaway signal and the collective attempt to cap it. The sheitel sits in the same place. A woman covers her hair for tznius, and the covering becomes a four-thousand-dollar custom of European hair that looks better than the hair it hides. The luxury must stay quiet, the way the old money teaches the new that the loud yacht reads as vulgar and the plain one reads as secure. Modesty becomes the most expensive thing in the room while insisting it is only modesty.

The paradox guards the burial. Pinsof notes that once a man names the game as a game, the naming reads as a cue of his own low standing, his cynicism, his sour grapes. The frum world reads the one who goes off the derech and writes the exposé this way. He is not heard as a witness. He is read as a bitter loser who could not win and now wants to burn the board. The reading might be wrong in any single case and right often enough to hold, since the man with the most reason to call the whole thing a status game is the man who lost it. So the sacred value holds. Affirm it and you rise. Question it and you fall, and your fall confirms that questioning it was a low move. The buried signal stays buried, defended by the cost of digging it up.

Pinsof closes his own paper by turning the knife on the social scientist, who runs on the sacred values of truth and discovery and protests, with feeling, that he seeks only knowledge. The same hand that writes this essay seeks status by writing it. The point holds across every human group that keeps score, and all of them keep score. What sets the Orthodox case apart is the instrumentation. Most cultures bury the signal and forget they buried it. Judaism buried it, wrote down where, posted a guard, named the sin of digging, ranked the virtue of burying deeper, and built a thousand years of mussar around the suspicion that the man who looks holy wants to look holy. The tradition’s own warnings are the best evidence for Pinsof’s theory and the closest thing anyone has built to a defense against it. Lishmah is the name for the signal that is not a signal. The man who reaches it stops sending. Almost no one reaches it. Everyone is told to try.

Posted in Evolution, Orthodoxy | Comments Off on To Be Seen Learning